ANG BAYAN, 7 October 2012, in English


Advance the antifeudal struggle, intensify the people's war



Advancing struggles for genuine land reform is among the critical tasks needed to push the people's war to the next stage of the strategic stalemate. Conducting antifeudal struggles on a broader scale, level and intensity and mobilizing peasants in their millions will serve as the foundation for achieving a new level of guerrilla warfare and establishing organs of political power.

The land reform program is the main content of the people's democratic revolution. It is the principal demand of the peasantry, the main force of the democratic revolution. It is the key link in advancing the revolutionary mass movement in the countryside and mobilizing millions of peasants for the national-democratic revolution.

In the main, the revolutionary forces have been implementing the minimum program of land reform, which involves reducing land rent, raising the wages of farm workers, raising the farmgate prices of the peasants' agricultural products, raising production and income and encouraging various forms of cooperation.

Wherever possible, the maximum program of land confiscation is implemented, which involves the occupation of public, abandoned or donated lands, subjecting these to the authority of democratic people's power, administering them through the peasant associations and implementing various forms of collectivization.

In the more than four decades of the Philippine democratic revolution, it has been clearly established that the implementation of land reform is the key to the advance of the revolutionary mass movement in the countryside.

Until the beginning of the 1980s, antifeudal struggles steadily advanced alongside the intensification of armed struggle and the estbalishment of the people's democratic government. Millions of peasants were mobilized and benefited from the gains achieved in these struggles.

But due to disorientation, the implementation of the land reform program waned. The revolutionary forces were unable to take advantage of accumulated gains to advance to a higher level. This resulted in the noticeable weakening of mass organizations and declines in the militancy, consciousness and political activities of the masses. Armed struggle concomitantly weakened.

The Second Great Rectification Movement of 1992 called for the revival of peasant associations, the various mass organizations and organs of political power. The New People's Army utilized the greater part of its time in establishing the organized strength of the masses and advancing struggles for land reform.

In accordance with the calls and directives of the CPP central leadership in 2009 to advance the people's war to the next stage of the strategic stalemate, a number of the Party's leading committees summed up their experiences in advancing antifeudal struggles and implementing the land reform program in their respective areas of jurisdiction. Their goal was to determine how the revolutionary program for land reform could be advanced to a higher stage and how the peasant masses could be mobilized in their numbers.

There is a need to sum up experiences to identify what problems have been encountered in hewing to the class line in the establishment of peasant associations and in implementing the land reform program. It is likewise necessary to analyze how the revolutionary forces have relied on the strength of the most oppressed and exploited strata of the peasantry and how, in certain situations, rich peasant and petty bourgeois influence became dominant and resulted in the neglect of peasant associations and local Party branches. There is a need to study experiences in implementing land reform, achieving changes in the relations of production and economic status of the peasant masses and what new forms of feudal and semifeudal exploitation have persisted and returned.

Higher Party committees up to the regional level have been leading current efforts in advancing struggles for land reform. They have been guiding and training new cadres and Red fighters, local Party branches and peasant associations, conducting social investigation to determine the concrete conditions of the peasant masses in their areas of jurisdiction and drafting plans on how to advance land reform struggles on a broader scale from the inter-barrio level upwards.

For the past several months, these committees have been leading dynamic antifeudal struggles in various guerrilla fronts in different areas of the country and reinvigorating militant mass struggles. In launching these struggles, formerly passive local Party branches and peasant associations have been reactivated. There are allout efforts to repair these organizations, launch mass assemblies, conduct social investigation and class analysis. Mass discussions, education, propaganda and organizing have become vibrant.

By mobilizing the masses to conduct class analysis in the barrios, peasant associations have been reestablished on the basis of the strength of the basic strata of the peasantry. Committees have been formed for interbarrio coordination in order to expand the scope of antifeudal struggles. The dynamism of the peasant associations has been unleashed and women and youth associations have become active. Old and new mass leaders have strengthened their militancy, ably representing the interests of the peasantry in negotiations and confrontations with landlords and merchants.

In these areas, important economic gains have been achieved, including reduced land rent, higher farm workers' wages and lower interest on loans, among others. Policies on weighing and pricing farm produce have been adopted and the prices of goods in local stores reduced. Various forms of cooperation and collective work on communal lands have been implemented for individual or collective gain. Last year alone, tens of thousands of families benefited from such gains.

News of successful antifeudal struggles are spreading like wildfire in the municipalities where these have been launched, spurring peasants in nearby areas to take action. The prestige of peasant associations has been raised and their authority recognized even in the town centers. Their alliances with the middle forces have been strengthened and expanded, and the support of enlightened landlords tested.

Mass organizations steeled in the furnace of antifeudal struggles have been confronting militarization in their villages more courageously. They have forged plans of action to vigorously and militantly confront the presence of fascist soldiers, conduct propaganda in the mass media and muster support from various personalities and organizations. They have formed their defense committees and people's militia units and coordinate with local units of the people's army. Recruitment of new Red fighters has further stepped up.

The experiences of guerrilla fronts that have successfully launched antifeudal campaigns must be closely studied by Party committees and the general membership. From these, they must draw lessons to guide them in correctly combining the conduct of antifeudal campaigns, the strengthening of the mass base and advancing armed struggle to the next higher stage. These lessons must become a source of inspiration to the peasant masses nationwide in advancing struggles for genuine land reform and intensifying the people's war.

Let us likewise draw lessons from experiences in forging the democratic strength of the peasant masses by raising their political consciousness and conducting political education among them and unleashing the initiative of peasant associations under the guidance and correct political leadership of the Party and with the support of the people's army.

Genuine land reform is the consistent demand of millions of Filipino peasants. It is a cry that has grown stronger in the face of worsening forms of feudal and semifeudal exploitation.

Let antifeudal struggles spread like a prairie fire nationwide. Let us mobilize the peasantry in their millions to tread the path of armed revolution. It is the greatly resurgent peasantry, in solidarity with the toiling masses and the Filipino people that will bring people's war to a new and higher stage of advance.                                     


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Guerrilla fronts in EV: Steeled by agrarian revolution



This is the first of a two-part article on the experience of advancing agrarian revolution in Eastern Visayas (EV).

In the history of the revolutionary movement in Eastern Visayas, the strongest guerrilla fronts were those established on the foundation of agrarian revolution. A stop in the advance of agrarian revolution in the 1980s alongside disorientation also led to the weakening of these fronts. In these areas, the revolutionary mass movement and armed struggle suffered a decline. Although revolutionary gains were maintained in the main, the conduct of mass work by the New People's Army became shallow and mechanical. The mass line was not strictly adhered to.

In early 2011, the Party regional committee in EV called for a resurgence in antifeudal struggles as one of the ways by which the revolutionary movement could overcome the obstacles to its advance. In the spirit of the region's call, a series of antifeudal struggles were launched in three guerrilla fronts in Samar island from July 2011 to April 2012. The initial invigoration of antifeudal struggles yielded valuable lessons that could spark the spread of the fires of agrarian revolution in the entire island.

Nature of the campaign



The campaign was conducted at the municipal level and tightly coordinated in the cluster of barrios covered. It was led by the Pambansang Katipunan ng mga Magbubukid (PKM) in one guerrilla front and by "Task Force Agreb" in the two other fronts. The campaign was begun in one barrio and expanded wave upon wave to adjacent villages. 

The targets were 41



The comrades assiduously prepared for and devoted ample time to the campaign. The Red fighters and local Party branches in the villages as well as local mass organizations in the community united on its goals. Social investigation and correct class analysis were meticulously conducted. Mass organizations and other support groups were organized along the campaign framework. A sustained propaganda-education campaign, assemblies and conferences of mass organizations were conducted. Teams of negotiators were formed and trained.

Gains achieved



Up to 2,391 families in 32 barangays benefited from the economic gains achieved in the antifeudal struggles. Land rent paid by agsa in coconut lands was reduced, from 50-50 to a range of 60-40 to 66-33 in favor of the agsador even as expenses were still jointly shouldered by both the agsador and the hauler. Meanwhile, in abaca lands, land rent was reduced from 33.33% (tersyuhan) to 25% (apatan). (In Samar, the term agsa refers to the relations of production in coconut and abaca lands that supplanted the tenancy system. In essence, the agsador performs the same functions as a tenant in coconut lands, but does not enjoy the same "rights" since his work contract in temporary).

In two villages, the peasants won the right to postpone payment of land rental in a landlord's 20-hectare landholding, benefiting up to 20 families. In another guerrilla front, rich peasants, upper middle peasants and a number of petty bourgeoisie who hired agsador were convinced to extend voluntary financial or material assistance in recognition of the value of the agsador's labor. To achieve job security for the agsador, the peasants successfully demanded that any pending decision to fire them should first go through a review by the local PKM. Thus, landlords and those belonging to the higher strata of the peasantry couold no longer arbitrarily fire agsador.

In mortgages, the peasants no longer had to redeem their mortgaged land with cash once the landlord is able to recoup his capital and earn 100% net profit from the product of the mortgaged land. This is a major victory over the old system where the peasants suffer the foreclosure of their mortgaged land if they are unable to repay their debt in cash. In a guerrilla front, up to 328 parcels of land measuring 316 hectares and worth P6.2 million were redeemed from mortgage. In another guerrilla front, a ten-hectare mortgaged landholding was redeemed from a big landlord.

The peasants also won their demand to remain in their mortgaged land as agsador or farm workers. Thus, they do not lose their sources of livelihood.

In a guerrilla front, the peasants won a reduction in interest, from 20% monthly to 10% every quarter and 20% per annum.

In another guerrilla front, the price of a sack of palay (unhusked rice) was fixed at P600 in the "cash-payment-palay" system where a loan of P250-500 is paid with a sack of palay. On the other hand, in the old "seeds-payment-palay" scheme, peasants were charged 100% interest by paying two sacks of palay for a sack of seeds bought on loan. Now, they are charged interest of only five salop (equivalent to three liters dry measure) for every sack of seeds (equivalent to 75 liters dry measure) bought on credit.

In two guerrilla fronts, fraudulent weighing scales (called pindolon or "live weighing scales") that shaved off five kilos for every 100 kilos of copra were abolished. The abolition of such fraud translates to the addition of more than P9 million annually in the peasants' gross income.

The excessive and illegal resikada was likewise abolished. The resikada system involves shaving off five kilos or more per 100 kilos of copra being weighed, based on the arbitrary classification of copra into "insufficiently baked" or "raw." (The arbitrary designation of resiko or "moisture content" of baked copra is one of the ways merchants have been fleecing the peasants). The practice of reducing the price of copra secretly by landlords in cahoots with businessmen was stopped. Businessmen shave off P1-2 per kilo in the price of copra being submitted for weighing by the agsador. It is a condition imposed by the landlord on the businessman in exchange for a guarantee that the copra will be sold to him.

The peasants also put a stop to the practice of reducing the price of copra merely on the basis of rumors heard in town. Fraudulent scales used in weighing consumer products such as rice, sugar, chickens and other basic commodities were abolished. To ensure that weighing scales were accurate, the PKM demanded the right to investigate and approve the weighing scales and other instruments of measurement used by businessmen. Mass organizations also bought their own weighing scales and measuring instruments.

The negotiations yielded an agreement imposing a maximum 10% markup in the prices of consumer goods sold in the villages. The peasants were able to convince the merchants to voluntarily reduce their excessive profits by presenting them with a comparative list of prices.

Farm workers of almost all categories won a 25-50% hike in wages. In a cluster of villages, the PKM also began addressing problems involving the management of lands administered by the mass organization.                    


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Peasants demand land distribution



B'laan tribespeople belonging to the Labugal Tribal Association (LTA) in Tulunan town in North Cotabato and Manobo tribespeople from the Nagkahiusang Katawhang Talaengod in Antipas town have complained that settlers have encroached on their ancestral lands.

The B'laan were forced to flee in the 1970s due to armed clashes between two armed fanatic groups, the Ilaga and Blackshirts. When they returned to Kolonsalnafel, Barangay Lampagang, Tulunan, the Banan, Mangalen, Sumale, Mangge and Capion families discovered that settlers had claimed their 712-hectare ancestral land. The lands have now been planted to bananas and Gmelina trees by settlers who had applied for Certificates of Land Ownership Award (CLOA).

The Manobo tribespeople were also forced to flee their 500-hectare land in Sityo Alibayon, Barangay Malatab, Antipas because of the Ilaga-Blackshirt conflict. Upon their return in 1997, they found out that their ancestral lands had been covered by an application by Ilonggo settlers for a Community-Based Forest Management Agreement (CBFMA). Their application was supported by Antipas mayor Van Cadungon.

The Manobo also complained that the 57th IB was siding with the settlers and that the soldiers have established a permanent encampment on their ancestral lands.

Meanwhile, peasants and fisherfolk at Hacienda Looc have demanded that the lands of the vast estate be distributed to them. They aired this demand in a picket at the Supreme Court on September 13.

They are opposed to the 8,650-hectare hacienda's continuing land-use conversion despite the fact that the estate in Nasugbu, Batangas has already been subjected by the government to the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP). The hacienda is the site of the Hamilo Coast project being developed by SM Land, which is owned by big businessman Henry Sy.

The protest picket was led by the Ugnayan ng Mamamayan Laban sa Pangwawasak ng Lupa sa Hacienda Looc (UMALPAS-KA) and the Katipunan ng mga Samahang Magbubukid sa Timog Katagalugan (KASAMA-TK). They complained about the ongoing SM Land project, saying that the government should not have sold the Hacienda Looc lands while the peasants had a petition for land distribution pending at the Supreme Court.                             


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200 students join bungkalan



Some 200 students joined a movement to collectively till the land at Bariquit Compound, Purok 13 in Bugac, Barangay Maa, Davao City on September 8. Hailing from various schools, the students helped the residents plant vegetables. In joining the bungkalan, they showed their solidarity with the residents of Bariquit Compound who are in danger of being evicted.

A big landlord began claiming the land in 2006. The Villa Abrille family in joint venture with Filinvest Land Inc. plans to construct a high-end subdivision in the area called Le Jardin.

The residents said Francisco Villa Abrille-Juna, one of the heirs of the Villa Abrille family showed them a bogus land title. No less than the residents who cleared and developed the land more than 60 years ago said that they have documents proving their ownership of the land.

Nonetheless, in 2011, the Villa Abrilles made another attempt to evict the residents. On August 24 this year, Filinvest Land Inc. tried to fence off the Bariquit Compound. The residents fought back, accompanied by members of the Kalipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap (KADAMAY) and other people's organizations.

Led by Nanay Silay Camomot and Antonia (Inday) Bariquit, the area's original residents, they formed a human barricade. They determinedly blocked a backhoe despite threats from the police and armed guards. Eventually, four members of KADAMAY, League of Filipino Students,   Anakbayan and KARATULA were arrested.

Despite the violent dispersal, sympathy for the struggle of the Bariquit Compound residents has further spread. The participation not only of students, but of workers, urban poor and a number of teachers in the bungkalan movement was a demonstration of such solidarity.                             


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Ka Alex, Ka Adrian and Ka Errel: Youth for the revolution



Ka Alex, Ka Adrian and Ka Errel are typical countryside youth. Even at a young age, they have been helping their parents and participate in production. Like growing numbers of other youth, they are politically conscious, working for and honing themselves to contribute to the revolution.

They are among the best sons and daughters of the peasantry who have joined the New People's Army (NPA) to defend and further advance their gains in agrarian revolution and other programs of the people's democratic government.

Ka Alex



"I am determined to join the NPA when I turn 18." This is Ka Alex's firm commitment. He will be reaching his 18th year on November 30.

Alex is the fifth of six siblings. His parents usually eke out a living by planting coconut and rice. His uncle is a former Red fighter and their barrio is often visited by comrades.

Ka Alex was just a Fourth Grader when he first decided to become a Red fighter. He liked joining the guerrillas in their tasks and treks, but he was too young. The guerrillas encouraged him to help in various revolutionary tasks in the village. He joined a children's group that often staged cultural presentations and participated in other children's programs.

His elder brother became a Red fighter in 2010 and was transferred to another area. Ka Alex then tried again to join the NPA. But he was just 16 then and was not allowed into the people's army. He was advised to continue working in the barrio and help in various ways.

Ka Alex was not discouraged and continued working with the village youth group as the team leader. Part of his duties is to report on enemy movements in their barrio to the comrades. He is also asked by comrades to purchase supplies in nearby towns. From time to time, he attends educational discussions in the barrio and even with the Red fighters.

Ka Alex was inspired to become a Red fighter because of the good example shown to him by the guerrillas.

Meanwhile, the comrades have    asked Ka Alex's parents to tell him to be careful because the youth is on the enemy's watchlist. Ka Alex has stopped going to school and is awaiting his 18th birthday so he could finally become a fullfledged Red fighter.

Ka Adrian and Ka Errel



Ka Adrian and Ka Errel are brother revolutionaries. Ka Adrian is the eldest and Ka Errel is his younger sibling. Their parents are both active members of the Party branch in their barrio.

It was not difficult for the two brothers to decide on taking the path of revolution. Growing up in the countryside, poverty was not a stranger to them.

They became aware of the revolution because their father and uncle were former Red fighters. Ka Adrian was only six years old when he started mingling with the Red fighters operating in their area, while Ka Errel joined the children's group in their barrio early on. They both attend discussions at the National-Democratic School and join cultural presentations in their barrio and other areas.

The brothers have a typical relationship. They often tease each other and play, and sometimes get peeved with each other and quarrel.

Ka Adrian is more outgoing while Ka Errel is the serious and shy type.

When Ka Adrian turned 18, he decided to join the NPA while Ka Errel continued his tasks in the barrio.

Ka Adrian was assigned to their barrio for a while but was eventually transferred. It was in the NPA that he took up other Party courses and became a full member of the CPP. He undertakes various tasks in the people's army--from security to kitchen duty to ensuring that their platoon has enough food supplies.

Ka Adrian misses his family but his homesickness is alleviated by daily organizing work among the masses. Sometimes, Ka Errel is able to visit him and join in some of the unit's activities. Through Ka Errel, Ka Adrian is able to send his regards to his parents and two younger siblings. The two brothers have been able to talk more often since Ka Errel became the leader of the youth group in the barrio and has been active in reporting on the enemy's movements in their area.

More than being brothers, however, they have underscored their relationship as comrades serving the revolution in different capacities.

Even now, Ka Errel is already preparing to join the NPA when the right time comes.                 


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NPA metes blows on AFP in Samar and Bicol



Units of the New People's Army (NPA) in Samar and Bicol have been thwarting the US-Aquino regime's Oplan Bayanihan. Based on correspondence reports from Samar island, up to 20 Philippine Army troops were killed and more than ten wounded due to attacks by Red fighters from May to August. In Bicol, the enemy suffered four casualties in NPA harassment operations in September.

In Samar island. Two soldiers from the 87th IB were wounded in a harassment operation launched by a unit under the Arnulfo Ortiz Command (NPA-Samar province) on August 20 in Barangay Zone 4, San Jose de Buan. The enemy transported their casualties by helicopter. Earlier, an NPA unit ambushed a column of the 87th IB conducting operations in Sitio San Pedro, also in Barangay Zone 4, killing a soldier and wounding another.

On August 23, an NPA unit figured in an encounter with the enemy along the boundary of Barangay Biri, Motiong and Barangay Hagbay, San Jose de Buan. The Red fighters were able to seize the initiative and withdraw without any casualties. The wounded enemy troops were brought aboard a helicopter.

Neither did the NPA under the Rodante Urtal Command (NPA-Northern Samar) allow soldiers to wreak havoc in the province. In June alone, the military in Northern Samar suffered 13 dead and six wounded in a series of military actions launched by the NPA.

On June 5, the Red fighters harassed a composite unit of the 20th and 52nd IB in Barangay Among, San Isidro town, killing three soldiers and wounding another.

On June 8, Red fighters harassed the practically stationary fascist troops in Barangay E. Duran, Bobon town, killing three and wounding two others from the 20th IB.

The next day, it was a unit under the 34th IB that was meted blows by the NPA. Three enemy soldiers were killed and another one wounded by the NPA.

Four other soldiers of the 20th IB were killed and two wounded in the Red fighters' next harassment operation.

On May 1, a soldier from the 20th IB was wounded in an NPA harassment operation in Barangay Among, San Isidro town. That same month, the NPA attacked the 20th IB camp in Barangay Happy Valley, San Isidro, killing two enemy soldiers and wounding another.

In another guerrilla front, four elements of the 81st Division Reconnaissance Company (DRC) were killed  and several others wounded in a harassment operation on July 26 by a team from the Silvio Pajares Command (NPA-North-Northeast Samar) in Barangay Quirino, Las Navas.

In Bicol. Two soldiers from the 31st IB were killed and three others were seriously wounded in an encounter with a squad under the NPA Celso Minguez Command in Sitio Kapirikuhan, Barangay San Isidro, Bulusan, Sorsogon at around 10 a.m. of September 6.

Meanwhile, Red fighters under the Nerissa San Juan Command (NPA-Catanduanes) attacked 83rd IB troops in Barangay JMA, San Miguel at around 9 a.m. of August 29. The enemy unit masquerading as a "Peace and Development Team" was part of a larger force of the 83rd IB launching the counterrevolutionary Oplan Bayanihan in 11 barangays of San Andres, San Miguel and Virac towns since August 16. The Red fighters also harassed the headquarters of the 83rd IB Charlie Coy in Barangay San Marcos, San Miguel.

The NPA in Camarines Norte also launched a series of harassment operations against 902nd Brigade troops. The Red fighters sniped soldiers of the 49th IB in Barangay Peter, Capalonga town on the night of September 3. Earlier, a soldier was wounded when the NPA opened fire at troopers in Barangay Maot, Labo town. The angered and startled soldiers reacted by indiscriminately firing their weapons in various directions.

In Camarines Sur, Red fighters attacked soldiers constructing a detachment in Barangay Tabion, Del Gallego town at around 3:30 p.m. of September 3.

A soldier was killed and two others wounded in a harassment operation by the Jose Rapsing Command (NPA-Masbate) on the PNP Special Action Force camp in Barangay Lalaguna, Mobo on August 30.

An NPA team under the Santos Binamira Command-Albay burned down an old detachment with 13 huts in Barangay San Ramon, Daraga town. The Red fighters razed the camp at around 9 p.m. when soldiers from the 2nd IB Charlie Coy temporarily left it to guard a big company in Barangay Alobo.

The local residents have long wanted to expel the military detachment because of the soldiers' involvement in several crimes and human rights violations. This unit was also involved in the massacre of Barangay Kagawad Wilfredo Lotino's family in Nabas-an, Daraga, Albay in October 2010.      


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NPA-Panay harasses 61st IB detachment



A soldier under the 61st IB was killed in a harassment operation launched by Red fighters of the New People's Army (NPA) on a military detachment in Barangay Tacayan, Tapaz, Capiz on the morning of September 8. An undetermined number of troopers were also wounded.

The NPA team was able to safely withdraw while being provided cover fire by another team of Red fighters positioned at a higher area.

In a statement, Ka Jurie Guerrero, spokesperson of the NPA Jose Percival Estocada Jr. Command (JPEC), said an NPA team was able to quietly close in on the detachment at around 4:30 a.m. The detachment was manned by 14 soldiers composing a Peace and Development Team (PDT) under the 61st IB. When a soldier appeared at around 7 a.m., the NPA team fired their weapons in unison, some ten meters away from the detachment. Guerrero said the military action was a punitive measure against the 61st IB for the death of Rodelyn Aguirre and other human rights violations.

Aguirre was a six-year old girl killed on March 11 when she was hit by a grenade from an M203 fired from the 61st IB detachment. The grenade landed in the Aguirre family's yard where the young girl was playing. Her four-year old sister Roda was seriously injured.

On May 14, Red fighters also closed in on another 61st IB PDT detachment in Barangay Acuña, Tapaz, where they buried three command-detonated explosives while the soldiers were away.

The NPA detonated the bombs when the soldiers arrived. Some of the soldiers scampered out of the detachment with their tails between their legs, leaving behind the other troopers who were immobilized with fear.                                                               


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Relentless attacks on minority activists



Ang Bayan recorded a series of attacks on minority leaders and activists opposed to large-scale mining. In Cagayan de Oro, a Lumad leader was killed in October. Two antiming protests were attacked by armed agents of the state in Benguet and Bukidnon in September, while 74 Lumad activists also opposed to large-scale mining in Surigao del Sur and Agusan del Sur have been maliciously linked to the New People's Army (NPA) and slapped with trumped-up charges in court.

October 3. Two men aboard a motorcycle shot to death Gilbert Paborada who chairs    PANGALASAG, an organization opposed to large-scale mining. It is affiliated with KALUMBAY, the regional alliance of Lumad organizations in Northern Mindanao.

Paborada had just alighted from a tricycle in front of his house in an urban poor community in San Nicholas, Puntod, Cagayan de Oro City when he was shot by the assailants. He died on the spot from five bullet wounds to the head and various other parts of his body.

Paborada is the third leader of KALUMBAY killed under the Aquino regime.

September 17. More than 100 elements of the Benguet PNP attacked the barricade set up by the Save Mankayan Movement (SMM) and residents of Sitio Madaymen, Tabeo, Mankayan, Benguet. The skirmish resulted in head injuries to one of the barricaders and undisclosed injuries to several others. Many had their clothes torn off. The policemen arrested Tony Ugalde, vice president of SMM and detained him overnight. He was released after posting bail.

The residents of Tabeo have been barricading the drilling site of Far South East for nine months now. Far South East is a mining project of Lepanto Consolidated Mining Co. (LCMC) and Gold Fields Mining Company. The residents charged that the company did not obtain their free and informed consent before commencing operations in the area. They are also worried about the destruction of their sources of water if the project is pursued.

September 3. Eight masked men aboard four motorcycles attacked the protest camp of scores of Lumad in front of the Bukidnon provincial capitol in Malaybalay City. The men smashed the sound system, tore down streamers and banners and attacked some of the protesters with stun guns before leaving.

The Lumad from the Tigwahanon tribe have been camping out at the provincial capitol grounds for six months. Hailing from Sitio Kiranggol, Barangay Dao, San Fernando, Bukidnon, they were forced to flee their community after the murder in March of Jimmy Liguyon, their barangay captain and leader of the campaign against mining in their area. Liguyon was killed by Alde "Butchoy" Salusad of the paramilitary New Indigenous Peoples' Army Reform (NIPAR) and his father Nonong Salusad, a CAFGU element. The Lumad are demanding justice for Liguyon and a stop to the takeover of their tribe's 52,000-hectare ancestral lands by mining companies and plantations.

August 16. The military slapped trumped-up murder charges against Genasque Enriquez, vice president of Katribu Indigenous Peoples' Partylist and the party's second nominee. The AFP has implicated Enriquez and 36 others in an encounter between the NPA and the 75th IB in Bunawan, Agusan del Sur on July 21.

Enriquez is also the secretary-general of Kahugpungan sa mga Lumadnong Organisasyon (Kasalo) in Caraga Region. Kasalo-Caraga has been actively exposing the intense militarization in the region and the human rights violations against the Mamanwa minorities in order to pave the way for the entry of big mining companies and plantations in the area.

Earlier, trumped-up cases of rebellion, attempted murder, arson and illegal possession of firearms and explosives were also filed against 37 leaders and members of the Malahutayong Pakigbisog Alang sa Sumusunod (MAPASU). MAPASU is opposing the seizure of the Manobo's ancestral lands in Lianga, San Agustin, Marihatag and Tago in Surigao del Sur by big mining companies. The victims have been maliciously linked by the police to the NPA attack on the Lianga PNP Station on April 29, 2011.                                      


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Cybercrime law to suppress rights and freedom on the internet



Republic Act 10175 or the Cybercrime Prevention Law, a repressive law passed by the Aquino regime on September 12 has been met by widespread and intense opposition. Eleven separate petitions have been filed at the Supreme Court for the law's repeal for being violative of the rights and civil liberties of the Filipino people.

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and all the revolutionary forces threw their full support behind moves to oppose the new law. In launching protest actions against the cybercrime law, the Filipino people may be able to form a strong movement for civil liberties and privacy rights and link this to the struggle to defend the people's human rights.

The regime claims that the Cybercrime Prevention Law works against internet crimes such as child pornography, identity theft and the like. In fact, the law actually suppresses the right of ordinary people to internet privacy, their freedom of expression and freedom of the press. Those who compare it to e-martial law against internet-based opposition and protest are entirely correct. The law may be used by those in power whenever they want against their critics and political opponents.

What netizens and the mass media oppose the most is a provision categorizing libel as one of the items punishable under the cybercrime law. This provision demonstrates the regime's intolerance to media criticism and ridicule over the internet, most of which is directed against Aquino. Criticisms against Aquino quickly go viral over the internet, especially when found in social networking sites patronized by millions of Filipinos such as blogs, Facebook, Youtube and Twitter.

Using the Cybercrime Prevention Law, the regime may order the closure of websites or block blogs or accounts of Filipinos on social networking sites that do not conform to the regime's standards. The law also grants formal authority to the police and military to surveil communications equipment like cellphones, computers, tablets and broadband gadgets and monitor email and other internet traffic.

Even before the law was passed, telecommunications companies had already been fully cooperating with the state's armed minions to collect electronic data and surveil cellphones and online traffic not only against criminals, but also political opponents of people in power. Under the new law, this can now be done wholesale, legally and on a broader scale.

The Aquino regime's cybercrime law is in accordance with efforts by the US government for large-scale data collection under the Echelon program of the CIA, the Pentagon and other police departments. This program goes far beyond existing legal and moral standards in the US and other countries and is likewise violative of acceptable privacy rights worldwide.

The latest to file a petition against the Cybercrime Law is the Philippine Bar Association, the country's oldest lawyers' group. The Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN), its allied organizations and National Artist for Literature Bienvenido Lumbera had also filed their own petition earlier. BAYAN likewise called on the Filipino people to resist RA 10175 on the internet, in the courts, in the streets and in Congress.

The National Union of Journalists of the Philippines is also set to file a separate petition against the new law, saying it suppresses freedom of speech and the press.

Reps. Teddy Casiño and Raymond Palatino and Sens. Teofisto Guingona III and Francis Escudero have also filed resolutions calling for the repeal of the law's repressive provisions.

In protest, "hacktivists" belonging to the group Anonymous Philippines defaced 11 government websites. Simultaneously, the practice of blacking out profile images on Facebook and mass media websites such as the Inquirer has become more widespread as a means of dramatizing protest against the law. Among those that have joined the "black out" movement is the revolutionary movement's website philippinerevolution.net.  


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MAKABAYAN's Casiño files certificate of candidacy for senator



"I want to represent in the Senate the voice of ordinary people, especially the very poor who comprise the majority in our country," said Rep. Teddy Casiño, one of two Bayan Muna representatives in Congress.

Casiño filed his Certificate of Candidacy (COC) on October 3 in his desire to be an alternative candidate for the Senate in next year's elections. Casiño first made a symbolic run under heavy rain from the San Agustin church to the office of the Commission on Elections in Intramuros, Manila where he was met by his family, representatives of progressive parties and hundreds of supporters.

Casiño is the sole candidate of MAKABAYAN, a coalition of progressive parties, organizations, NGO networks and patriotic personalities. He currently chairs the House Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship Development and is the senior vice chairperson of the House Committee on Higher Education.

Before being elected to Congress, Casiño chaired the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) and was secretary-general of the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan. He began his activism at the University of the Philippines-Los Baños where he was involved in advancing various advocacies and social movements. As Bayan Muna representative, he has filed bills for social reform and stood for the interest of the toiling masses. In his bid for the Senate, his platform includes the reduction of prices of prime commodities, job creation, livelihood development and competent governance.    


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NDFP consultant released, another arrested



National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) consultant Randy Malayao was released on October 4 after posting bail.

Less than three days later, however, the military illegally arrested Benjamin Mendoza, another NDFP consultant. Mendoza was arrested with his wife and two others along Aurora Blvd. in Quezon City in the early morning of October 6. He represents Southern Tagalog in the peace negotiations.

Malayao was abducted by military agents in Cainta, Rizal in May 2008 and tortured for five days before he was surfaced. He was detained at the 5th ID headquarters, Tuguegarao District Jail and Ilagan District Jail in Isabela.

He had earlier been acquitted in 2010 of killing former Col. Rodolfo Aguinaldo because of the incredible tesimony of the AFP's witness. He has been allowed to post bail for a second murder charge, where the AFP alleged that he participated in an ambush by the New People's Army in 2005 in San Mariano, Isabela where three soldiers were killed and four others were wounded.

Malayao's release was greatly delayed because of the Aquino regime's refusal to comply with an agreement between the NDFP and GPH in February 2011 that called for the release of all detained NDFP consultants.                       


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Philex must be held accountable



The Cordillera People's Alliance (CPA) demanded that Philex Mining Corporation be held accountable for the destruction wreaked in Padcal, Tuba, Benguet due to the breaching of the mining firm's Tailings Pond 3 (TP3).

An investigation by the Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB) revealed that TP3's structure did not weaken merely because of strong rains in August, as Philex has alleged. The MGB cited gross neglect as the reason behind TP3's breaching on August 1.

TP3 was first used in 1992 and had an expected lifespan of 20 years. Thus, it should have been closed down in the first half of 2012. But Philex insisted on using it even its materials and even its foundation had already deteriorated and was filled beyond capacity.

The damage could have been avoided if Philex had conducted direct investigation, monitoring and repairs to ensure that the facility's foundation remained intact and it contained a volume of mine tailings commensurate to its capacity.

But the MGB said that TP3 contained more than 20 metric tons of mine tailings, which is 47 times bigger than the garbage produced by Metro Manila, and 1,600% more than the mine tailings that flowed into and killed the Boac River in Marinduque in 2002. The MGB has ordered Philex to pay a P1 billion fine, based on the computation of P50 per metric ton of spillage.

The mine tailing spillage has contaminated the Batog stream which flows towards the Agno River, and from Itogon, Benguet, flows towards Pangasinan province. In Padcal, in particular, the residents' livelihood has been adversely affected because are no longer able to fish in the polluted rivers and streams.

Meanwhile, the CPA also demanded that MGB and the DENR be likewise held accountable for permitting the irresponsible operations of mining companies like Philex. The CPA called for a stop to destructive mining and for serious efforts to rehabilitate the environment.     


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Urban poor resist Aquino regime's brutality



No one can stop us from exposing the Aquino regime's brutality against the urban poor. This was the strongly worded statement of Estrelita Bagasbas, chair of the September 26 Movement, an alliance of urban poor residents in North Triangle, Quezon City, after policemen attempted to arrest on October 5 Jocy Lopez who chairs KADAMAY's North Triangle chapter. KADAMAY stands for Kalipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap.

The residents blocked and drove away six armed men who were out to arrest Lopez for illegal assembly and malicious mischief. 

Five others whose names are mentioned in the same charge sheet filed at the Metropolitan Trial Court Branch 42 of Quezon City have already gone into hiding. They are Carlito Villilia, Jr., an officer of Anakbayan-BIR Road Chapter; Rogelio Borres, chair of Anakbayan-NIA Road Chapter; Karen Romero, member of Anakbayan-North Triangle Chapter; Sheila Marie Buenaflor, chair of Alyansa ng Kabataang Lumalaban para sa Sambayanan (AKLAS); and Myrna Dalida, an officer of Anakpawis-Agham Chapter.

The attempted arrest has also exposed the Aquino government's hypocrisy. Just this October 2, Mar Roxas, newly  appointed secretary of the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) had ordered the suspension of demolitions in Sitio San Roque, Barangay Bagong Pag-asa, North Triangle. Roxas issued the order after residents marched to the DILG office to oppose government plans to destroy their community for the construction of the Quezon City Central Business District (QCCBD), one of the biggest projects under the Aquino regime's Public-Private Partnership (PPP) scheme.

There have recently been a series of brutal attacks by state agents against the urban poor. On October 1, fifteen-year old John Cali Lagrimas, a member of Partidong Anakpawis-Gitnang Luzon was killed when 150 elements of the Tarlac Police and a 100-man demolition team mercilessly tore through a barricade set up by residents of Block 7, Barangay San Roque, Tarlac City.

Meanwhile, 27 persons were injured when elements of the Makati City police and the Special Weapons and Tactics team swooped down on a residential area housing some 250 families on Guatemala Street, Barangay San Isidro, Makati on       September 24. Up to eight urban poor residents were arrested and charged by the police. The Ma-  kati local government plans to construct a three-storey building at the site that will serve as a barangay hall, health center and covered court. The residents are opposed to the relocation site being offered them in Calauan, Laguna because of the absence of facilities and its distance from their sources of livelihood.                                                    


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ACT to represent NCR teachers



Teachers in the National Capital Region (NCR) achieved a major victory in October when the Civil Service Commission recognized the Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT)-National Capital Region Union as the sole and exclusive negotiating agent for all public school teachers in negotiations with the Department of Education-NCR. Their petition for a salary increase has been signed and supported by more than 26,000 teachers. This was one of the gains of the teachers' struggle announced during the commemoration of International Teachers Day on October 5. The ACT-NCR Union was formally recognized as an exclusive bargaining agent on September 17.

This is just the beginning, said ACT Teachers Partylist Rep. Antonio Tinio. On September 14, more than 1,000 teachers marched to the Batasan Pambansa. Led by ACT and ACT Teachers Partylist, they demanded the enactment of HB 2124 which calls for a raise in teachers' pay from the current Salary Grade 11 (P18,549 per month) to Salary Grade 15 (P24,887 per month). The bill also calls for raising the monthly salaries of volunteer teachers from P3,000 to P6,000 and adding P6,000 to the minimum salary of non-teaching personnel.

Tinio said teachers should receive decent salaries to ensure good education for the youth. ACT secretary-general France Castro complained that due to the teachers' very low salaries, they are not able to cope with the rapid and relentless hikes in the prices of basic goods and services.


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Foxconn workers mount uprising



Some 2,000 workers in Taiyuan, Shanxi, China rose up on September 23 because of their brutal exploitation and oppression by technological giant Foxconn. More than 40 workers were wounded and more than 100 arrested by the police and company guards.

Foxconn Technology Group is one of the biggest suppliers of electronic products to American companies. It is best known as the factory for Apple Inc. products, an American company selling one of the most expensive computers, cellphones and other electronic products worldwide.

The Foxconn workers destroyed the windows of their dormitory and burned vehicles in an uprising that lasted five hours. Up to 5,000 policemen were called in to suppress the uprising. The company was forced to close for more than a day and address the workers' demands.

The uprising began when company guards coerced and beat up workers who were resting and refused to work overtime. Foxconn workers are made to live in dormitories. Any time, night or day, they could be called by management to work and comply with incoming orders. Such forced labor is due to the strong demand for Apple's newest product, the iPhone 5.

Foxconn is notorious for its abuse of workers and violations of work safety standards. In 2010, a number of its workers committed suicide, spurring strikes in various Foxconn plants and other companies. In March, Foxconn workers in Taiyuan struck to demand a wage hike. This was followed by a declaration from 300 workers that they would commit suicide if their demands for a wage increase is not granted. In June, some 100 workers rose up at the Chendu plant in Sichuan province because of the company's maltreatment of its work force.

Foxconn workers receive slave wages. They are paid only 550 renminbi or about P10,000 per month. From this amount, Foxconn deducts payment for food bought from the company canteen, dormitory rent, services for cleaning the toilet, kitchen and other company property. The remainder is grossly inadequate for the workers' basic needs.